The fall
of the Suharto government in 1998 following the Asian Financial
Crisis brought an end to decades of authoritarian military
governments. Over the past 16 years, Indonesia has been slowly
transforming into an emerging democracy, yet political dynasticism,
aloof elites, corruption and nepotism still abound. The July 9th
Indonesian presidential election saw Joko Widodo (popularly known as
‘Jokowi’) running on an anti-corruption, economic reform platform,
and buoyed by his man-of-the-people image, defeat Prabawo Subianto
garnering 53% to Prabawo’s 46.8%. Despite some commentators
declaring the victory as definitive; Jokowi won by eight million
votes out of a popular vote of some 180 million, making it the
smallest margin of victory in any Indonesian presidential election. This fact appears to be of significant importance, yet efforts to
put any stock in this state of affairs must be tempered by the
knowledge that during the Suharto years elections were still held
with Suharto winning 63.8% in 1973 and running unopposed in elections
in 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998. Consequently there are few
contenders for Indonesia’s narrowest electoral victory margin.
of the Suharto government in 1998 following the Asian Financial
Crisis brought an end to decades of authoritarian military
governments. Over the past 16 years, Indonesia has been slowly
transforming into an emerging democracy, yet political dynasticism,
aloof elites, corruption and nepotism still abound. The July 9th
Indonesian presidential election saw Joko Widodo (popularly known as
‘Jokowi’) running on an anti-corruption, economic reform platform,
and buoyed by his man-of-the-people image, defeat Prabawo Subianto
garnering 53% to Prabawo’s 46.8%. Despite some commentators
declaring the victory as definitive; Jokowi won by eight million
votes out of a popular vote of some 180 million, making it the
smallest margin of victory in any Indonesian presidential election. This fact appears to be of significant importance, yet efforts to
put any stock in this state of affairs must be tempered by the
knowledge that during the Suharto years elections were still held
with Suharto winning 63.8% in 1973 and running unopposed in elections
in 1978, 1983, 1988, 1993, and 1998. Consequently there are few
contenders for Indonesia’s narrowest electoral victory margin.
This
margin of victory did however cause Prabowo to challenge the election
results; appealing to the Supreme Court, claiming widespread
electoral fraud affecting twenty-one million votes and fifty-two thousand polling stations. Such a challenge is not uncommon with
similiar actions having become a common course of action in previous
elections, in part as a face-saving mechanism. Despite the frequency
of these appeals, the Supreme Court has never overturned the result
of a presidential election, with Prabowo’s appeal encountering a
similar fate. The nine judges of the Supreme Court unanimously rejected the appeal, stating in their verdict which took over four
hours for the court to read, that Prabowo had not proffered any
credible evidence of electoral fraud. Prabowo’s concerns were not
completely unfounded as election officials had in some cases opened ballot boxes early, a fact which the Court acknowledged, yet ruled
had been done in a transparent manner. The Court’s decision
cannot be appealed and while Prabowo camp accepts the appeals it has
stated that it considers the decision a miscarriage of justice.
margin of victory did however cause Prabowo to challenge the election
results; appealing to the Supreme Court, claiming widespread
electoral fraud affecting twenty-one million votes and fifty-two thousand polling stations. Such a challenge is not uncommon with
similiar actions having become a common course of action in previous
elections, in part as a face-saving mechanism. Despite the frequency
of these appeals, the Supreme Court has never overturned the result
of a presidential election, with Prabowo’s appeal encountering a
similar fate. The nine judges of the Supreme Court unanimously rejected the appeal, stating in their verdict which took over four
hours for the court to read, that Prabowo had not proffered any
credible evidence of electoral fraud. Prabowo’s concerns were not
completely unfounded as election officials had in some cases opened ballot boxes early, a fact which the Court acknowledged, yet ruled
had been done in a transparent manner. The Court’s decision
cannot be appealed and while Prabowo camp accepts the appeals it has
stated that it considers the decision a miscarriage of justice.
| Images of Prabowo (left) and Jokowi stare out at a passing woman Photo Credit: blogs.wsj.com |
Given the
lack of Supreme Court precedence in overturning election results, the
Court’s rejection of the appeal was widely expected, especially since
prior to the Court’s decision the General Elections Commission as
well as independent election observers had dismissed Prabowo’sclaims. Despite such widespread rejection of the claim, following
the public broadcast of the Court’s decisions, supporters of Prabowo
clashed with riot police outside of the Supreme Court. Some
pro-Prabowo protestors attempted to storm the razor wire fence
surrounding the court and several trucks were rammed against
barricades. Thousands of riot police had been deployed around the
Court as a precaution and responded to these actions with tear gas,
quickly dispersing the crowds. Aside from isolated incidents, the
majority of protests were non-violent, with only a few individuals
injured and the arrest of four others, as parts of Jakarta were put
under lock-down
lack of Supreme Court precedence in overturning election results, the
Court’s rejection of the appeal was widely expected, especially since
prior to the Court’s decision the General Elections Commission as
well as independent election observers had dismissed Prabowo’sclaims. Despite such widespread rejection of the claim, following
the public broadcast of the Court’s decisions, supporters of Prabowo
clashed with riot police outside of the Supreme Court. Some
pro-Prabowo protestors attempted to storm the razor wire fence
surrounding the court and several trucks were rammed against
barricades. Thousands of riot police had been deployed around the
Court as a precaution and responded to these actions with tear gas,
quickly dispersing the crowds. Aside from isolated incidents, the
majority of protests were non-violent, with only a few individuals
injured and the arrest of four others, as parts of Jakarta were put
under lock-down
Going
forward Jokowi, as a political outsider, and now as president-elect
will have to consolidate his legitimacy among the political elite.
Despite winning the election, Jokowi is faced with an opposition
coalition that backed Prabowo holding the majority of seats in the
House of Representatives. Jokowi’s Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle is largest in the House with twenty percent of seats, yet
the Prabowo coalition holds sixty-eight percent of the remainingseats. However, these coalition partners are pragmatic and since
Prabowo has lost his appeal, cracks are emerging in the coalition. In
a bid to prevent infighting and create a functioning government,
Jokowi has stated that he will welcome coalition parties to his side,
reserving some seats for them in his government
forward Jokowi, as a political outsider, and now as president-elect
will have to consolidate his legitimacy among the political elite.
Despite winning the election, Jokowi is faced with an opposition
coalition that backed Prabowo holding the majority of seats in the
House of Representatives. Jokowi’s Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle is largest in the House with twenty percent of seats, yet
the Prabowo coalition holds sixty-eight percent of the remainingseats. However, these coalition partners are pragmatic and since
Prabowo has lost his appeal, cracks are emerging in the coalition. In
a bid to prevent infighting and create a functioning government,
Jokowi has stated that he will welcome coalition parties to his side,
reserving some seats for them in his government
| Prabowo Supports Protest Decision Outside Supreme Court in Jakarta Photo Credit: http://m.theepochtimes.com/ |
The
election of Jokowi is important because in many ways it signifies a
new era in Indonesia politics. Despite Suharto’s departure in 1998,
the political class has continued to be dominated by elites tied to
previous autocratic regimes. Suharto era technocrats and career
politicians still control much of the power in Indonesia, with
political dynasticism a creeping issue. For instance from 2001-2004
Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno, Indonesia’s first
president and pre-Suharto autocrat presided over a mediocre
presidency. Prabowo himself is Suharto’s son-in-law and was a special
forces commando and later general during his father-in-law’s reign. Prabowo’s background, combined with accusations of human rights violations during his military career and his aloof public image
all have contributed to Jokowi’s victory. Furthermore, while the
Court’s decisions is in line with precedence, it may also be part of
a greater move away from politicians with links to Suharto,
politicians who since 1998 have done little to tackle corruption.
election of Jokowi is important because in many ways it signifies a
new era in Indonesia politics. Despite Suharto’s departure in 1998,
the political class has continued to be dominated by elites tied to
previous autocratic regimes. Suharto era technocrats and career
politicians still control much of the power in Indonesia, with
political dynasticism a creeping issue. For instance from 2001-2004
Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno, Indonesia’s first
president and pre-Suharto autocrat presided over a mediocre
presidency. Prabowo himself is Suharto’s son-in-law and was a special
forces commando and later general during his father-in-law’s reign. Prabowo’s background, combined with accusations of human rights violations during his military career and his aloof public image
all have contributed to Jokowi’s victory. Furthermore, while the
Court’s decisions is in line with precedence, it may also be part of
a greater move away from politicians with links to Suharto,
politicians who since 1998 have done little to tackle corruption.
The lack
of dynamism and accessibility in the Indonesian political class
should not fool observers into thinking that Jokowi has been elected
by default or as the lesser of two evils. Jokowi enjoys widespread
popularity across the country, with many citing his humble demeanour
and accessible public image as key points in his favour. In contrast
to established political elites, Jokowi was born and raised in a slum
in the mid-sized city of Solo, eventually training himself as a
carpenter before entering politics in 2005. Since then his rise
has been meteoric, having been twice elected mayor of his hometown,
and later becoming Governor of Jakarta in 2012. The same year Jokowi
won third place in the World Mayor Prize: an award that is given to
politicians who have revitalized their cities. During his time in
office Jokowi did not draw on his mayoral salary, built free housing
for slum dwellers, upgraded transit infrastructure and according to
the Supreme Court “turned a crime ridden city into a regional
centre for arts and culture which has started to attract
international tourism. His campaign against corruption earned him the
reputation of being the most honest politician in Indonesia.”
of dynamism and accessibility in the Indonesian political class
should not fool observers into thinking that Jokowi has been elected
by default or as the lesser of two evils. Jokowi enjoys widespread
popularity across the country, with many citing his humble demeanour
and accessible public image as key points in his favour. In contrast
to established political elites, Jokowi was born and raised in a slum
in the mid-sized city of Solo, eventually training himself as a
carpenter before entering politics in 2005. Since then his rise
has been meteoric, having been twice elected mayor of his hometown,
and later becoming Governor of Jakarta in 2012. The same year Jokowi
won third place in the World Mayor Prize: an award that is given to
politicians who have revitalized their cities. During his time in
office Jokowi did not draw on his mayoral salary, built free housing
for slum dwellers, upgraded transit infrastructure and according to
the Supreme Court “turned a crime ridden city into a regional
centre for arts and culture which has started to attract
international tourism. His campaign against corruption earned him the
reputation of being the most honest politician in Indonesia.”
Even with
such an accomplished record, Jokowi will face many challenges once he
is sworn in as president in October. Foremost amongst these are
corruption, bad infrastructure such as a lack of drainage systems
which sees many cities in Indonesia regularly flood, and finding
funds for the budget. A key problem in the Indonesian budget is that
long running energy subsidies are draining the state of vital funds
to the tune of $31.3billion dollars. This amounts to eighteen percen tof the budget or three times the total infrastructure budget.
Previous attempts to reduce or eliminate these subsidies have caused
widespread protests, yet the system which is inefficient, needs to be
drastically changed. This is especially pressing given the wide
economic disparity in the country. Funds which are flowing into
energy subsidies need to be redirected towards healthcare, housing
and education for despite being a G20 country, Indonesia still has
over one hundred million people living at or below two dollars a day
such an accomplished record, Jokowi will face many challenges once he
is sworn in as president in October. Foremost amongst these are
corruption, bad infrastructure such as a lack of drainage systems
which sees many cities in Indonesia regularly flood, and finding
funds for the budget. A key problem in the Indonesian budget is that
long running energy subsidies are draining the state of vital funds
to the tune of $31.3billion dollars. This amounts to eighteen percen tof the budget or three times the total infrastructure budget.
Previous attempts to reduce or eliminate these subsidies have caused
widespread protests, yet the system which is inefficient, needs to be
drastically changed. This is especially pressing given the wide
economic disparity in the country. Funds which are flowing into
energy subsidies need to be redirected towards healthcare, housing
and education for despite being a G20 country, Indonesia still has
over one hundred million people living at or below two dollars a day